"Sixties Britain" provides a more nuanced and engaging history of Britain. This book analyses the main social, political, cultural and economic changes Britain undertook as well as focusing on the 'silent majority' who were just as important as the rebellious students, the residents if Soho and the icons of popular culture. "Sixties Britain" engages the reader without losing sight of the fact that the 1960s were a vibrant, fascinating and controversial time in British History.
The monarchy has remained important in British public life long after monarchs ceased, in the early nineteenth century, to govern as well as to reign, and popular legitimacy came to be founded on representation, not the immutability of a sacred hierarchy. This book addresses two fundamental questions about the British monarchy in the modern period. What has been its function in the political and social life of the nation? Why, for much but by no means all of the modern period, has it been so popular with its subjects? Leading historians offer contributions on the monarchy and public values, the monarchy's popularity, the monarchy and Ireland, the monarchy and film, gender and the monarchy, the royal court and republicanism, and the monarchy and the wider world. These essays shed considerable new light on the monarchy's place in British public life and on the broader social and political history of modern Britain.
This book, first published in 1983, examines why people prefer to talk about immigrants or ethnic minorities when they are referring to differences marked not by the migratory process of ethnicity, but by skin colour. How, without mentioning racial criteria, have politicians managed to introduce immigration controls deliberately aimed at reducing the number of black migrants? This book identifies a central feature of British political life: the ability to justify racially discriminatory behaviour without recourse to explicit racist language. It gives an account of British racial ideology as it is practically experienced in the form of political discourse and helps to provide a theoretical understanding of its relationship to the social structure as a whole and in particular its relationship to inter- and intra-class divisions. The author argues that traditional class-based ideologies are perfectly capable of supporting racially oppressive institutions and have far better 'protective' properties than expressions of overt racism. As a result, the objective structures of British race relations are obscured by a facade of 'deracialised ideology'.
"Scotland and Nationalism" provides an authoritative survey of Scottish social and political history from 1707 to the present day. Focusing on political nationalism in Scotland, Christopher Harvie examines why this nationalism remained apparently in abeyance for two and a half centuries, and why it became so relevant in the second half of the twentieth century. This fourth edition brings the story and historiography of Scottish society and politics up-to-date. Additions also include a brand new biographical index of key personalities, along with a glossary of nationalist groups.
In a century of rapid social change, the British people have experienced two world wars, the growth of the welfare state and the loss of Empire. Charles More looks at these and other issues in a comprehensive study of Britain’s political, economic and social history throughout the twentieth century. This accessible new book also engages with topical questions such as the impact of the Labour party and the role of patriotism in British identity.
In the wake of the Scottish vote on independence, questions of sovereignty, devolution, and local control have perhaps never been more salient. This book explores the evolution of the idea of national identity in modern Britain as it affected Wales. It ranges historically from the French Revolution and its aftershocks to the wide-ranging effects of World War I and on to present debates over decentralization and ties with Europe, while also offering close looks at key personalities, like Lloyd George, the first (and thus far only) Welsh prime minister. Drawing on both his extensive experience in politics and his decades of academic study, Kenneth O. Morgan has written what is likely to be the definitive work on this topic.
"British Cultural Studies" is a comprehensive introduction to the British tradition of cultural studies. Graeme Turner offers an accessible overview to the central themes that have informed British cultural studies; language, semiotics, Marxism and ideology, individualism and subjectivity and discourse. Presenting a history of British cultural studies and focusing on the work of such pioneers as Raymond Williams, Richard Hoggart, E.P. Thompson, Stuart Hall and the Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies, the second edition is fully revised to include new issues in cultural studies and to update key debates and references. New sections include: The influence of postmodernism, The politics of pleasure identified with the 'New Revisionism', Foucault and discourse, The politics of cultural studies, Gender and Race in the history of British Cultural Studies. A fully updated and comprehensive bibliography.
The Glorious Revolution was a decisive moment in England's history; an invading Dutch army forced James II to flee to France, and his son-in-law and daughter, William and Mary, were crowned as joint sovereigns. The wider consequences were no less startling: bloody war in Ireland, Union with Scotland, Jacobine intrigue, deep involvement in two European wars, Britain's emergence as a great power, a financial revolution, greater religious toleration, a riven church and a startling growth of parliamentary government. Such changes were only a part of the transformation of English society of the time. An enriching torrent of new ideas from the likes of Newton, Defoe, and Addison, spread throught newspapers, periodicals, and coffe-houses, provided new views and values that some embraced and others loathed. England's horizons were also growing, especially in the Carribean and American colonies. For many however, the benefits were uncertain: the slave trade flourished, inequality widened, and the poor and 'disorderly' were increasingly subject to strictures and statues. If it was an age of prospects it was also one of anxieties.
"The Later Tudors" is an authoritative and comprehensive study of England between the accession of Edward VI and the death of Elizabeth I - a turbulent period of conflict amongst European nations, and between warring Catholics and Protestants. These internal and external struggles created anxiety in england, but by the end of Elizabeth's reign the nation had achieved a remarkable sense of political and religious identity. Penry Williams combines the political, religious and economic history of the nation with a broader analysis of English society, family relations and culture, in order to explain the workings and developments of the English state. The result is an incisive and wide-ranging analysis that culminates in an assessment of England's part in the shaping of the New World.
In this extensively revised 2nd edition Evans engages with a welter of new material and fresh interpretations. The book sheds light both on the challenges to existing political and social authority and why those challenges were seen off. Evans examines: The composition of Britain’s political elite and how this elite coped with the problems thrown up by a society urbanising and modernising at an unprecedented rate. How Britain reacted to the longer-term implications of the French Revolution, including the development of a more cohesive national identity. How the elite attempted to maintain public order in this period – and with what success. The extent of change in Britain’s political system brought about by political, religious and administrative reforms. Written in accessible style, with a rich collection of documents, chronology, glossary, a guide to further reading,and a ‘Who’s Who’ which summarises the careers and contributions of the main figures, this new edition is essential for all those interested in understanding Britain at this most crucial turning point in its history.
In 1970 the "cold war" wass still cold, Northern Ireland's troubles were escalating, the UK's relations with the EEC were unclear, and corporatist approaches to the economy precariously persisted. By 1990 Communism was crumbling world-wide, Thatcher's economic revolution had occurred, terrorism in Northern Ireland was waning, multiculturalism was in place, family structures were changing fast, and British political institutions had become controversial. This, the first thorough, wide-ranging, and synoptic study of the UK so far published on this period, has two overriding aims: to show how British institutions evolved, but also to illuminate changes in the British people: their hopes and fears, values and enjoyments, failures and achievements. It therefore equips its readers to understand events since 1990, and so to decide for themselves where the UK should now be going.
In this, the firs of two self-standing volumes bringing "The New Oxford History of England" up to 1990, Brian Harrison begins in 1951 with much of the empire intact and with Britain enjoying high prestige in Europe. When the volume ends in 1970, the empire had gone, central planning was in trouble, and event the British political system had become controversial. In an unusually wide-ranging, yet impressively detailed volume, Harrison approaches the period from unfamiliar directions, focusing less on the politicians and more on the decisions the British people made largely for themselves.
This volume covers the period from the repeal of the Corn Laws to the dramatic failure of gladstone's first Home Rule Bill in three defining themes: "Established industrialism" encapsulating the growing acceptance that factory life and manufacturing had come to stay. for the first time in history, more worked in industry than on the land; An examination of "multiple national identities" within the United Kingdom revealing the existence of a variety of overlapping traditions flourishing alongside an increasingly influential unitary state; Public culture as something generated by an intermeshed set of economic, scientific, literary and artistic developments. This original and authoritative book will define these pivotal years in British history for the next generation.
The fifth edition has been completely restructured and expanded in order to provide the definitive introduction to British Politics. There are 16 new chapters. The book focuses on the international context in which Britain operates and addresses institutions, processes, new issues and policies. The book incorporates student learning features and has a companion web site.
This book, first published in 2006, is a revisionist account of the monarchy during the reigns of the first two Hanoverian kings of Britain, George I and George II. This detailed study of early Georgian kingship and queenship examines the rhetorical and iconographical fashioning of the dynasty, evaluates the political and social function of the early Georgian court, and provides an extensive analysis of provincial cultures of monarchism. Wide-ranging in the scope of its enquiry and interdisciplinary source material, it rejects the contention that the Georgian kings were tolerated solely on the grounds of political expediency. Instead, Hannah Smith argues that they enjoyed a rich popularity that grew out of a flourishing culture of loyalism. In doing so, she engages with key debates over the nature of early eighteenth-century British society, highlights the European context to British political thinking, and, more broadly, illuminates the functioning of cultures of power in this period.
The Black Death, the Peasants' Revolt, the Hundred Years War, the Wars of the Roses... a succession of dramatic social and political upheavals reshaped England in the period 1360 to 1461. In his lucid and penetrating account of this formative period, Gerald Harriss draws on the research of the last thirty years to describe late medieval society at its peak. The political narrative centres on the rule and eventual deposition of Richard II on charges of tyranny and the establishment of the House of Lancaster, which was in turn overthrown in the Wars of the Roses. Abroad, Henry V's heroic victory at Agincourt in 1415 opened the way to the English conquest and colonisation of Normandy and a projected union of England and France. Far reaching chenges occured in English society. The Black Death produced a crisis in agrarian structures, marked by the Peasant's Revolt in 1381 and the end of serfdom. A class structure emerged in landed society, with grades of knights, esquires, gentlemen and yeomen linked to the nobility through patronage and service. The marked individualism of this society was accompanied by a growing sense of national identity. Literature expressed an assertive patriotism, facilitated by the spread of London english as a standard language, while a spate of church building developed perpendicular as a distinctive national style. the increasing participation of the laity in the Church stimulated new forms of Catholic devotion and prompted the emergence of the proto-Protestantism of John Wyclif and the Lollards. Through a close examination of these aspects of late medieval England, Gerald Harriss traces its transformation from a feudal into a national society.
In 1783 England felt down and out, having just lost the bulk of its American colonies. By 1846 it was once more a great imperial nation, as well as the world's strongest power and dominant economy. It the meantime the country survived a decade of invasion fears, and emerged victorious from more than twenty years of 'war to death' against Napoleonic France, while the Romantic movement brought English writers and artists to the forefront of European attention for the first time. But if Britain's external fortunes were in the ascendant, the situation at home remained fraught with peril, with the most prolonged period of social unrest since the seventeenth century. Population was growing at a rate not experienced by any comparable former society, and manufacturing towns were mushrooming into filthy, disease-ridden, gin-sodden hell-holes, in turn provoking the phantasmagoria of a mad, bad and dangerous people. The governing class, in constant fear of a French-style revolution, was forced to engage with social problems to an unprecedented extent, one reason why, by the mid-nineteenth century, the seed of a settled two-party system and of a more socially interventionist state were both in evidence. At the same time the country experienced a great religious revival, very loosely described under the heading 'evangelicalism'. Slowly but surely, the raffish and rakish style of eighteenth-century society, having reached a peak in the Regency, was succumbing to the new norms of respectability popular known as 'Victorianism'.
Conventional views of the eighteenth century emphasize its political stability, aristocratic government, stately manners, and Georgian elegance. Professor Langford, however, also brings to life a less orderly world of treasonable plots, rioting mobs, and Hogarthian vulgarity. Using the latest research, and a wealth of original sources, often generously quoted, he tells a highly readable tale of remarkable contrast and changes. Pitt, Fox and Walpole rub shoulders with Dr Johnson, Pope and Fielding. This books shows the vitality and variety of an age often seen in static terms. This was, above all, a period of rapid commercial growth and burgeoning bourgeois pretensions. Many characteristic features of eighteenth-century life were the result. They included military success and imperial expansion, political maturation and economic development, cultural confidence and polite manners. But there were also tensions and contradictions. Evangelical enthusiasm jostled with scientific rationalism, oligarchical politics with popular insubordination, entrepreneurial opulence with plebeian poverty, sentimentality with utilitarian reform. Professor Langford examines all these features and explains the way they relate to each other. He demonstrates that this was a society constantly being stretched by change, and perpetually responding to its challenge.